Causes of Conflict in DRC

Causes of Conflict in DRC INVESTIGATING THE CAUSES OF CONFLICT IN DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO (DRC) Location of the D R Congo Background The Congo is situated at the heart of the west-central portion of sub-Saharan Africa. DR Congo borders the Central African Republic and Sudan on the North; Uganda, Rwanda, and Burundi on the East; Zambia and Angola on the South; the Republic of the Congo on the West; and is separated from Tanzania by Lake Tanganyika on the East. The country enjoys access to the ocean through a 40-kilometre (25 mile) stretch of Atlantic coastline at Muanda and the roughly nine-kilometer wide mouth of the Congo river which opens into the Gulf of Guinea. The country straddles the Equator, with one-third to the North and two-thirds to the South. The size of Congo, 2,345,408square kilometers (905,567sqmi), is slightly greater than the combined areas of Spain, France, Germany, Sweden, and Norway. It is the third largest country (by area) in Africa. In order to distinguish it from the neighboring Republic of the Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo is often referred to as DR Congo, DRC, or RDC, or is called Congo-Kinshasa after the capital Kinshasa (in contrast to Congo-Brazzaville for its neighbour). The name Congo refers to the river Congo, also known as the river Zaire. (The river name Congo is related to the name of the Bakongo ethnic group). As many as 250 ethnic groups have been identified and named. The most numerous people are the Kongo, Luba, and Mongo. Although seven hundred local languages and dialects are spoken, the linguistic variety is bridged both by widespread use of French and intermediary languages such as Kongo, Tshiluba, Swahili, and Lingala. The Congo is the worlds largest producer of cobalt ore, and a major producer of copper and industrial diamonds. It has significant deposits of tantalum, which is used in the fabrication of electronic components in computers and mobile phones. In 2002, tin was discovered in the east of the country, but, to date, mining has been on a small scale. Katanga Mining Limited, a London-based company, owns the Luilu Metallurgical Plant, which has a capacity of 175,000 tonnes of copper and 8,000 tonnes of cobalt per year, making it the largest cobalt refinery in the world. After a major rehabilitation program, the company restarted copper production in December 2007 and cobalt production in May 2008. The United Nations 2007 estimated the population at 62.6 million people, having increased rapidly despite the war from 46.7 million in 1997. Currently the Head of State is President Joseph Kabila (October 2006-) and Head of government is Prime Minister Antoine Gizenga (December 2006-). Provinces and territories Formerly the country was divided into eleven provinces, Kinshasa, Province Orientale, Kasaà ¯ Oriental, Kasaà ¯ Occidental, Maniema, Katanga, Sud-Kivu, Nord-Kivu, Bas-Congo, Équateur and Bandundu. However, the constitution approved in 2005 divided the country into 26 fairly autonomous provinces, including the capital, Kinshasa to be formed by 18 February 2009. These are subdivided into 192 territories. Provinces and their Capital Cities Province Capital 1. Kinshasa Kinshasa 2. Kongo central Matadi 3. Kwango Kenge 4. Kwilu Kikwit 5. Mai-Ndombe Inongo 6. Kasaà ¯ Luebo 7. Lulua Kananga 8. Kasaà ¯ oriental Mbuji-Mayi 9. Lomami Kabinda 10. Sankuru Lodja 11. Maniema Kindu 12. Sud-Kivu Bukavu 13. Nord-Kivu Goma Province Capital 14. Ituri Bunia 15. Haut-Uele Isiro 16. Tshopo Kisangani 17. Bas-Uele Buta 18. Nord-Ubangi Gbadolite 19. Mongala Lisala 20. Sud-Ubangi Gemena 21. Équateur Mbandaka 22. Tshuapa Boende 23. Tanganyika Kalemie 24. Haut-Lomami Kamina 25. Lualaba Kolwezi 26. Haut-Katanga Lubumbashi History of the DR Congo Conflict The state of DR Congo emerged from brutal colonial history. From 1880s, Belgian King Leopold II used territory as personal kingdom, exploiting vast natural resources through indigenous forced labour. Leopold transferred control of â€Å"Congo Free State† to Belgian government 1908. After upsurge of nationalist sentiment and parliamentary elections May 1960, Belgium accepted independence June 1960. Within two weeks, country faced nationwide army mutiny and secessionist movements in Katanga and southern Kasai. Cold War interests fuelled tensions, with U.S. fearing Congos break-up and Soviet inroads. Power struggle between President Joseph Kasavubu and PM Patrice Lumumba intensified when Lumumba used army to brutally (but unsuccessfully) suppress Kasaian rebellion and appealed for Soviet support. Kasavubu dismissed Lumumba, who was later arrested and 1961 assassinated with Belgian complicity. UN troops began disarming Katangan rebels August 1961 but situation deteriorated into sporadic conflict between UN and Katangan forces. Head of breakaway Katanga Moise Tshombe forced out 1963, returning as Congos prime minister 1964. Colonel Joseph Desire Mobutu ousted Kasavubu and Tshombe in 1965 and began thirty-two year rule. In 1971-2 he changed the countrys name to Zaire. Mobutu systematically used countrys mineral wealth to consolidate power, co-opt rivals and enrich himself and allies through patronage. Following the end of Cold War, cessation of international aid and internal pressure to democratise pushed him to reinstate multiparty politics in 1991, but Mobutu manipulated agreement to retain power. Mobutu was finally ousted in May 1997 by rebellion under Laurent Kabilas leadership, backed by Rwanda and Uganda. Second war The Second Congo War, also known as Africas World War and the Great War of Africa, began in August 1998 in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (formerly called Zaire), and officially ended in July 2003 when the Transitional Government of the Democratic Republic of the Congo took power (though hostilities continue to this day). The largest war in modern African history, it directly involved eight African nations, as well as about 25armed groups. By 2008 the war and its aftermath had killed 5.4million people, mostly from disease and starvation, making the Second Congo War the deadliest conflict worldwide since World War II. Millions more were displaced from their homes or sought asylum in neighboring countries. War sparked again in August 1998 when Kabila moved to purge Rwandans from government. Rwandan troops backing Congolese Tutsi rebels invaded. Kabila called on Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia for help. It is estimated that 4 million people died in during this conflict between 1998-2004, mostly from war-related diseases and starvation. A Lusaka ceasefire signed July 1999 and UN Security Council peacekeeping mission (MONUC) was authorised in 2000. Laurent Kabila was assassinated January 2001 and replaced by son Joseph. Peace negotiations resulted in Rwandan and Ugandan withdrawal in late 2002, but proxies remained. In December 2002, all Congolese belligerents and political groups signed peace deal in Sun City, South Africa, ushering in transitional government June 2003 in which Kabila shared power with four vice-presidents. However, conflict in Ituri, North Kivu, South Kivu and Katanga provinces continued. Rebel groups, including former Rwandan-backed Tutsi and Hutu militias (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR) being largest), continued to fight for land and resources. Violence in north eastern Ituri halted 2003 after three-month French-led emergency mission under EU authority, after UN failed to contain clashes. Deaths and displacements led UN to describe Eastern Congo as â€Å"worlds worst humanitarian crisis† March 2005. Following DRC government request International Criminal Court (ICC) investigate crimes from June 2002 throughout DRC, ICC Prosecutor opened investigation into crimes in Ituri June 2004. Government and MONUC security efforts, undermined by lack of progress in establishing integrated national army, reinvigorated September 2004 by force expansion from 10,800 to 16,700 and more aggressive mandate. From March 2005, MONUC often participated in joint operations with integrated national army. But despite significant demobilisation, many rebel groups still active 2006. Uganda rebel group Lords Resistance Army (LRA) settled in north east late 2005, reigniting tensions: Kampala threatened to pursue LRA into Congo, while Kinshasa suspected Uganda sought access to resources in east. International Court of Justice 2005 found Ugandan army committed human rights abuses and illegally exploited Congolese natural resources. New constitution introducing president/prime minister power sharing and two-term presidential limit was adopted 13 May 2005 and approved by referendum 18 December. After delays, national assembly and first-round presidential elections held 30 July 2006. Violent clashes erupted in Kinshasa between Kabila and opposition MLC leader Jean-Pierre Bemba supporters when neither gained majority in first-round votes. Kabila took presidency in 29 October second round (58 per cent of vote), and his alliance won majority in national and provincial assemblies. Elections considered by outside observers to be relatively free and fair, ushering in first truly democratic government 40 years. Kabila government faces substantial challenges, including an abusive and ill-disciplined national army (FARDC), corrupt public administration, and lack of infrastructure and basic services. Advances in Ituri remain precarious, with slow progress on militia disarmament and reintegration and lack of transparent natural resource management. Security further deteriorated in North Kivu, where the national army and dissidents under command of General Laurent Nkunda (CNDP, National Congress for the Defence of the People Nkundas political movement, unveiled July 2006) resumed fighting from late November 2006, displacing up to 400,000 in years since. Signing of Nairobi Agreement November 2007 and Goma â€Å"Actes dEngagement† January 2008 were welcomed. The Former provided for repatriation of FDLR and latter for ceasefire and voluntary demobilisation of combatants in east, to be implemented through â€Å"Amani† peace program. Success depends on will of militias to disengage, continued funding for the Amani program and improved relations between Kigali and Kinshasa over handling of FDLR. But despite some initial signs of Nkundas readiness to disengage, serious clashes between CNDP and FARDC continued, while June 2008 brought heavy FDLR attacks on civilian camps in North Kivu. Political pluralism has shrunk, with opposition virtually excluded from governorships despite performance in 2006 elections, recurrent use of force against Bembas supporters, and death of over 100 civilians in March 2008 brutal police crackdown on political-cultural movement Bundu dia Kongo in Bas-Congo. The ICC has issued five arrest warrants for DRC leaders and four are in ICC custody three militia leaders charged with crimes in Ituri, and Bemba who was arrested May 2008 for atrocity crimes committed 2002-2003 in neighbouring CARs civil war and transferred to The Hague 4 June 2008. Nkunda resisted hand over of fifth suspect, CNDP chief of staff Bosco Ntaganda, wanted for Ituri crimes. But credibility and future of ICC investigations under question after judges suspended first trial, of UPC militia leader Thomas Lubanga in June 2008 over prosecutions non-disclosure of potentially exculpatory evidence. Recent-Current situation in Congo  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   A deal concluded between Kabila and rebel commander Laurent Nkunda providing for the integration of Nkundas troops into the armed forces known as mixage collapsed in 2007 amid opposition from hardliners on both sides. Kabilas aides attacked him over perceived preferential treatment given to Tutsis in army integration, drawing on public outcry over massive human rights violations caused in Nkundas operations against the FDLR to undermine the deals legitimacy. Nkundas Goma-based Tutsi backers, afraid of losing everything acquired during the war, threatened to pull their support. The mixage process and its collapse left Nkunda militarily strengthened and removed a viable alternative to continued struggle. After frequent clashes in the first half of 2008, violence again engulfed the region from late August, when Nkundas CNDP rebels launched a fresh offensive on army bases and areas under the formal protection of UN troops. After significant advances and the collapse of the FARDC in the region, the CNDP took control of Rutshuru town in late October, moved to the outskirts of the regional capital Goma and consolidated their hold over the surrounding region. For a short time, UN peacekeeping troops (MONUC) found themselves the last protection against Nkundas advances on Goma. A 29 October ceasefire soon faltered, and clashes continued throughout November (2008). Partially due to an intense diplomatic effort, Nkunda put on hold his offensive on the city, while still continuing and consolidating advances in other areas. International and regional diplomatic efforts commenced from late October, 2008. An EU mission led by the French and British foreign ministers arrived in Congo and Rwanda on 31 October, while African leaders joined by UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon met at an emergency summit of the African Union, calling for immediate adherence to the 29 October ceasefire. The UN Security Councils decision to appoint a special envoy former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo added welcome focus and commitment to mediation. International leaders met in Nairobi on 7 November (2008) and called for the immediate implementation of the Goma and Nairobi agreements, establishing a facilitation team composed of Obasanjo and former Tanzanian President Mkapa. The new mediators met with key players over November, securing Nkundas commitment to a ceasefire in the middle of the month, although clashes erupted again shortly afterwards. In February 2009, Rwanda arrested Nkunda though it has not yet handed him o ver. Recent developments also underscored the fragility of the situation in Ituri. October 2008 saw fresh clashes between government and rebel forces as well as a series of brutal attacks and abductions reportedly by Ugandan Lords Resistance Army rebels. Causes of the Congo conflict Leopold and Belgium colonial occupation Like most African nations, the problems in Congo in the recent past have their tap root in the colonial activities by mainly European nations. The Congo possessed an uncharacteristic wealth that made it the desire of many European countries (Lusignan: 2004). It had an abundance of natural resources such as cooper, gold, diamonds, rubber, cobalt, among others that made it the desire of many trading corporations and companies. At the Berlin Conference in 1885, King Leopold was granted to the exclusive right to privately exploit the Congo.  Ã‚   Once in the Congo, Leopold devised an economic system in which the Congo was sectioned into different areas leased to different European corporations that paid Leopold 50 percent of the extracted wealth. Lusigan (2004) writes that Leopold entered the Congo under the cloak and faà §ade of a humanitarian by making hollow promises detailing his intentions to improve the quality of life in the Congo.   He promised to build schools, homes, and to liberate the Congolese people from Arab slave traders.   But under the rule of Leopold, very little was done to improve the well being of the citizens, and instead a regime was instituted that operated solely through force of might.   People were tortured and forced to sign treaties that according to Leopold â€Å"†¦must grant us everything† (Hochschild 71), which included the rights to all land and resources therein.   Thus for a 20 year period, Leopold was able to operate with impunity, and in the process 10 million people were murdered.  Ã‚   During his reign, women and children were brutally raped and murdered and treated like animals. â€Å"They were fed-and slept-in the royal stables.†(Hochschild 176)   They were even hunted like animals for fun and for sport.   Limb amputation was a joy of many Belgium soldiers; hands, heads, and other body were severed for not only proof of kill, but for the cannibalis tic needs of these Belgium soldier.   Even the homes of some Belgium officers were lined with the skulls of the Congolese people for decoration.  Ã‚   Many more died from starvation and exhaustion resulting from the inhumane living conditions present in the Congo. After King Leopold relinquished his position in the Congo, the Belgium parliament assumed legal control of the country, but the trading corporations and companies of Belgium and other European countries continued to dominate the course of events in the Congo. â€Å"The one major goal not achieved, he (Morel) acknowledged, was African ownership of land.† (Hochschild 273)  Ã‚   The Congos wealth of natural resources had always been the main attraction of Belgium, and with Leopold removed, the corporations were given more control and influence over the economy in the Congo.   The United Mines of Upper Katanga (UMHK) was founded shortly after Leopolds reign ended and for the next fifty years, this corporation exercised the greatest influence and control over the economy and the resources with the Congo.   It â€Å"controlled about 70 percent of the economy of the Belgian Congoand controlled the exploitation of cobalt, copper, tin uranium and zinc in mines which were among t he richest in the world.†( Hochschild 31) During this time period, the Congo was one the worlds largest copper-producing countries and the â€Å"cobalt extraction in Katanga represented 75 percent of the entire world production.† (Hochschild 31) In June of 1960, the Congo was granted independence, which threatened the future of European economic control of this profitable source of revenue. The United Nations granted independence to the Congo because of pressure from the worldwide anti-colonial movement that touched Africa in the 1950s. But shortly after the Congos independence, Belgium immediately sent troops to the country in order to protect Katanga, the city in the Congo that possessed a wealth of resources and was the primary export site for these corporations.  Ã‚   With this military presence, the corporations continued their production in the city, and surprisingly, production even increased in the year of independence.   This military presence remained in the Congo for years, thus showing the Congolese people were never truly granted â€Å"independence†.  Ã‚   The entitlement complex of Belgium is further revealed here because Belgium believed that they possessed personal ownership of the land in the Congo, and that the citizens of the Congo did not warrant independence.   Belgium regarded the citizens of the Congo as an inferior people who lacked civilization; they believed that the occupation was justified. This denial of own land and resources, injustice, brutal acts and all other in human acts by Leopold and the Belgians groomed anger, resentment, feelings of discontent among the citizens of Congo that was later to be manifested in counter resistances and civil wars against any one who seemed to portray similar acts and policies, hence, conflicts in the Congo.  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The Assassination of Patrice Lumumba The emergence of an independent Congo on June 30, 1960 marked the beginning of a new era of colonialism by the Western powers.   On this day, Patrice Lumumba became Prime Minister of the Congo, and in six months he would be assassinated. He was an extraordinary politician, motivator, and visionary, and one of the most influential figures throughout Africa during his term.   He is now enshrined as an historical figure against the fight of injustice because of his outspokenness against the colonization of Africa by European powers (Lusigan: 2004). Lumumba came to power at a time in which the anti-colonial movement was most intense worldwide; this propelled his general regard as a worldwide leader of this movement. The period â€Å"†¦from 1960 to 1965, was the Wests ultimate attempt to destroy the continents authentic independent development.† (Kanza xxv)  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Before serving as Prime Minister, Lumumba was the president of the National Congolese Movement, a party formally constituted in 1958.   He was an ambitious man and envisioned a promising future for the Congo; a future void of European involvement and one in which the Congolese people had absolute power. He was already a prominent figure in the political scene within the Congo, having amassed a following through his writings and speeches advocating sovereignty and the fight against European injustice.   Lumumba eventually became prime minister through democratic elections, but his government only lasted for a very difficult period of two months during which time Belgium launched many attempts to reoccupy and subvert the independence movement. Patrice Lumumba represented a formidable opponent against the colonization forces in Africa. By advocating sovereignty and de-colonization in Africa, he represented everything that the Western powers feared. He was a man capable of affecting change throughout not only the Congo, but across Africa by promoting a self-sustained economy that was entirely independent from the European nations. He opposed the forces of colonialism throughout Africa. The riches of the Congo and the presence of Lumumbas movement could not be allowed to co-exist in the view of the United States and European political and business interests. Lumumba eventually became the victim of a coup funded primarily by the United States and Belgium, under the protection of the United Nations.   Although the United States and Belgium were the primary opponents of Lumumba, they were acting on behalf of European countries throughout the world because Lumumba personified the anti-colonial movement that everyone feared. They feared Lumumba not simply because he was a man that represented the anti-colonial movement, but because he was an African man that had become too powerful and had the potential to gain the loyalty and attention of his people and focus their goals on true independence and real control of their own resources. â€Å"The Congo crisis is due to just one man, Patrice Lumumba† (Hochschild 49) He had the potential to change the entire social structure of Africa and possessed the ability to affect change throughout the world by promoting democracy and equality.   Probably if Lumumba had lived a little longer, he would have organized and united the nation to avoid the conflicts that have characterized the country ever since time memorial. Poor Centralized governance of mobutu (dictatorship and exploitation of resources) For the next thirty years following the death of Lumumba, the Congo was the victim of a centralized government with the majority of the power concentrated in one man, General Mobutu, who was an instrumental Congolese collaborator with the Western interests in promoting the coup leading to the assassination of Lumumba. Kaplan (1979) notes that Mobutu created a rigidly centralized administration reminiscent of Belgian rule, topped by a single authority figure that he claimed to be in the African political tradition.   Governing by decree, his words literally were law.   His power was absolute, anchored in a constitution of his own inspiration that made him head of the legislative, executive, and judiciary This was not the type of free democratic society that Lumumba had envisioned, but instead one that still allowed many European nations to exercise the authority and influence that Lumumba vehemently opposed. The United States gave him well over a billion dollars in civilian and military aid during the three decades of his rule; European powers- especially France-contributed more (Hochschild 303)/   Mobutu did little to improve the quality of life of his citizens, and instead exploited his own citizens for his material and economic gain. Even after independence, the Congo was still the economic colony of Europe that existed under the control of Belgium. The European and American corporations and investments were still intact with Mobutu in control.   The Congo was now operating as a puppet government in which the United States used Mobutu to affect both economic and political decisions in an effort to stabilize its investments and operations in the country.   It estimated that a t the end of his reign, he was of the worlds wealthiest men; â€Å"his personal peak was estimated at $4 billion.† (Hochschild 303)   And very little of his fortune went to the people of the Congo. One will therefore be short sighted not to blame Mobutu for the conflicted Congo. He did his best to disorganize and disintegrate the countrys internal economic and political structures and systems that laid ground for what was termed as the â€Å"Africas World War†. His puppetism to western countries only resurrected and reminded the Congolese of the harsh, brutal and inhuman rule of Leopold and the Belgians which escalated the anger among the citizens. Mobutu can further be solely held responsible for the greed and mismanagement of natural resources for selfish needs among the Congolese today, he set a bad example. Ethnic differences One of the most sensitive areas of social life in Africa is the problem of cultural pluralism, which usually rears its ugly face in inter-ethnic relations International conflicts and civil wars, these are not simply products of failed diplomacy or policies of aggression. Virtually they all have roots in endemic cultural features of nations (Aluko: 2003). Patterns of languages, religious beliefs and legal institutions form as much a part of the environment enveloping nations have been tales of woes, anguish, sorrows, deprivations, sadness in most of the member states. Many nations of the continent such as Nigeria, Sudan, Somalia, Angola, Liberia and Sierra Leone, and even many nations of the great lakes region of the central Africa have been in turmoil due to ethnic related reasons. Political instability, economic and social disequilibrium became rampant in countries like Uganda, Burundi, Rwanda and the two Congos. Most ethnic conflicts have a background of domination, injustice or oppression by one ethnic group or another. The tremendous psychological pressure on human populations from political change creates a sense of anxiety that frequently makes people seek refuge in belief systems that involve definitions of membership and belonging. In Sudan, Garang charged that civil war erupted largely because Hassan Turabi, the power behind Khartoums government, wanted to impose Sharia, or Islamic law throughout Sudan. The other factor relates to resources and economics. At the simplest level, the struggle to survive can spawn or deepen ethnic problem. The more limited the resources the greater the danger of ethnic problem. For a range of reasons not necessarily bad or intentionally divisive, ethnic groups are also often positioned differently in an economy. Again, change can accentuate differences, triggering hostility or drastic action. The legacy of Colonialism did not do any better. The problems of most colonial nations of Africa are direct products of their colonial experience. The problems had been created by colonialism in different ways, especially by the indiscriminate merger of various ethnic groups to become monolithic entities, and at the same time treated the units as separate entities and allowed each to develop in whatever direction it chose in isolation from others (Nnoli, 1980. Dare 1986 and Young, 1998). This was the trend in virtually all the Anglophone countries of the sub-Sahar an Africa and some Francophone countries too. Colonialism also created structural imbalances within the colonies in terms of socioeconomic projects, social development and establishment of administrative centres. This imbalance deepened antipathies between ethnic groups. In Nigeria, the South achieved a higher level of social development than the North. Similarly, the Baganda advanced farther than the other Uganda ethnic groups, the Chagga and Haya were ahead of the other Tanzanian groups, the Kikuyu, Ashanti and Bemba made more rapid â€Å"progress† than the other Kenyan, Ghanaian and Zambian ethnic groups respectively. In fact, inter-ethnic relations in Kenya have been characterized by the hostility of all the other groups to the Kikuyu. Today, many nations of the sub-Saharan Africa are in one turmoil, violence or civil disorder of one kind or the other largely originating from the ethnic problem. Such countries include Burundi, Rwanda, Somalia, Sudan, Angola, Chad and the Democratic Republic of Congo. The Congolese people are made up of around 200 separate ethnic groups. These ethnic groups generally are concentrated regionally and speak distinct languages. There is no majority ethnic group some of the largest ethnic groups are the Luba, Kongo and Anamongo. The various ethnic groups speak many different languages but only four indigenous languages have official status Kiswahili, Lingala, Kikongo and Tshiluba. French is the language of government, commerce and education. Societal discrimination on the basis of ethnicity is widely practiced by members of virtually all ethnic groups and is evident in private hiring and buying patterns and in patterns of de facto ethnic segregation in some cities (GS: 2000-9). The ongoing conflict in the Eastern part of DR Congo has often been explained as be

Beach Burial Essay -- essays research papers

AWARENESS OF NATIONAL IDENTITY ORAL EXAMINATION Softly and Humbly to the Gulf of Arabs,The convoys of dead sailors come; At night they sway and wander in the waters far under,But morning rolls them in the foam. Between the sob and clubbing of the gunfire Someone, it seems, has time for this,To pluck them from the shallows and bury them in burrows And tread the sand upon their nakedness;And each cross, the driven stake of tidewood,Bears the last signature of men,Written with such perplexity, with such bewildered pity,The words choke as they begin – "Unknown seaman" – the ghostly pencil Wavers and fades, the purple drips, The breath of the wet season has washed their inscriptions As blue as drowned men’s lips, Dead seamen, gone in search of the same landfall,Whether as enemies they fought, Or fought with us, or neither; the sand joins them together,Enlisted on the other front. El Alamein. Although not blatantly obvious at first, Kenneth Slessor’s emotive and poignant poem Beach burial is a poem concerned with raising the awareness of national identity. Now I found this hard to believe at first – For me to be able to use this poem, (as it has been my one of my favourites for years) I though that for it to have ANYTHING to do with national identity I would have had to use my creative ability to dissect and warp aspects of the poem that COULD have something to do with national identity if the poet had actually CHOSEN to write about national identity. Basically a lot of windbagging- and as much I was looking forward to see how great my powers of persuasion were I finally realised that they wouldn’t be necessary. I realised that even though Slessor’s Beach Burial doesn’t ramble on about the Australian lifestyles and the Australian landscapes, It is a poem solely based on the importance of national identity†¦ heck- it doesn’t e ven mention the word ‘Australia’ in it! But what Slessor is trying to say here doesn’t refer just to the Australian identity it refers to the importance of every countries national identity and, in the long run, the unimportance of it. To give you a bit of a background, Kenneth Slessor was an eminent Australian Journalist for a great part of his life, and because of this, When World War 2 came around he was chosen be Australia’s official war correspondent. He was to report on the Australian act... ...d in this poem have been from both sides of the war. The bodies were floating alongside enemies and allies, yet from the beginning of the poem Slessor made them all equal in death. As I pointed out earlier this can be seen in his reference to the dead sailors as convoys; groups of dead men that were travelling together with the same personified feelings and actions. World War 2 was, is in its simplest form, one nation against another nation, fighting for land, fighting to increase their national identity. For the expansion of their own national identity, humans were willing to kill other human beings. Just because of different national identities, the soldiers treated the enemy inhumanely. "the sand joins them together, Enlisted on the other front" The land for which they fought, joins them together in death, the reference to ‘enlisted on the other front is an eloquent metaphor for the sailors deaths. They are now enlisted into the world of the dead, just as they enlisted to join the navy. It is ironic that these men, so proud and patriotic of their national identity, have lost not only the record of which country they were serving but also their own identity.

Examine The Sociological Views

There have been many changes in society that have affected children over the last 50 years, however there are several different sociological views on whether these changes have been beneficial to children or not. Functionalist sociologists have the ‘march of progress’ view, as they believe that the experience of childhood has massively improved over the last 50 years. They believe that society is more child-centred today than ever before.The introduction of contraception has led to couples having smaller families, therefore meaning that children now tend to receive more attention from their parents. Similarly, parents are also able to care for their children better due to the introduction of the welfare state and child benefits. Climbie’s case and ‘Every Child Matters’ has led to the improvement of social services and child protection, meaning childhood is much safer now than it was 50 years ago.Children are also in better health due to the NHS, meani ng more children survive childhood now than ever before. All children can now receive state education up until the age of 18, meaning they are better educated and can achieve much higher in adulthood, whilst experiencing a longer period of youth. All of these changes have improved the experience of childhood and cause Functionalists to believe that things are getting better. However, Marxist and Feminist sociologists disagree, claiming that the march of progress view is too positive.They believe that a child’s experience of childhood depends on their class, ethnicity and gender, and that Functionalists overlook the inequalities between these factors. This is called the ‘conflict’ view. Class has an effect on childhood as generally if a family is poor, the children are more likely to have a poor upbringing. Ethnicity is found to have an effect as Asian parents have been found to be much stricter on their kids.

The History of Gillette and Schick Razors

The History of Gillette and Schick Razors Men have been slaves to their facial hair  pretty much since they first walked upright. A couple of inventors have made the process of trimming it or getting rid of it entirely  easier over the years and their razors and shavers are still widely used today. Gillette  Razors Enter the Market Patent No. 775,134 was granted to King C. Gillette for a â€Å"safety razor† on November 15, 1904. Gillette was born in Fond du Lac, Wisconsin in 1855 and became a traveling salesman to support himself after his family’s home was destroyed in the Chicago Fire of 1871. His work led him to William Painter, the inventor of the disposable Crown Cork bottle cap. Painter told Gillette that a successful invention was one that was purchased over and over again by satisfied customers. Gillette took this advice to heart. After several years of considering and rejecting a number of possible inventions, Gillette suddenly had a brilliant idea while shaving one morning. An entirely new razor flashed in his mind- one with a safe, inexpensive and disposable blade. American men would no longer have to regularly send their razors out for sharpening. They could toss out their old blades and reapply new ones. Gillette’s invention would also fit neatly in the hand, minimizing cuts and nicks. It was a stroke of genius, but it took another six years for Gillette’s idea to come to  fruition. Technical experts told Gillette that it was impossible to produce steel that was hard enough, thin enough and inexpensive enough for the commercial development of a disposable razor blade. That was until MIT graduate William Nickerson agreed to try his hand at it in 1901, and two years later, he had succeeded. Production of the Gillette safety razor and blade began when the Gillette Safety Razor Company started their operations in South Boston. Over time, sales grew steadily. The U.S. government issued Gillette safety razors to the entire armed forces during World War I and over three million razors and 32 million blades were put into military hands. By the end of the war, an entire nation was converted to the Gillette  safety razor. In the 1970s, Gillette began sponsoring international sporting events  such as the Gillette Cricket Cup, the FIFA World Cup, and Formula One racing. Schick  Razors   It was an inventive U.S. Army Lieutenant Colonel named Jacob Schick who first conceived of the electric razor that initially bore his name. Colonel Schick patented the first such razor on November 1928 after deciding that a dry shave was the way to go. So the Magazine Repeating Razor Company was born. Schick subsequently sold his interest in the company to American Chain and Cable, which continued to sell the razor until 1945. In 1935, ACC introduced the Schick Injector Razor, an idea in which Schick held the patent.  The Eversharp Company ultimately bought the rights to the razor in 1946. The Magazine Repeating Razor Company would become the Schick Safety Razor Company and use the same razor concept to launch a similar product for women in 1947. Teflon-coated stainless steel blades were later introduced in 1963 for a smoother shave. As part of the arrangement, Eversharp slid its own name onto the product, sometimes in conjunction with the Schick logo.

The History of the US and Cuba - Complex Relations

The History of the US and Cuba - Complex Relations The US and Cuba marked the beginning of their 52nd year of broken relations in 2011. While the collapse of Soviet-style Communism in 1991 ushered in more open relations with Cuba, the arrest and trial in Cuba of USAID worker Alan Gross strained them once again. Background: Cuban and American Relations In the 19th Century, when Cuba was still a colony of Spain, many southern Americans wanted to annex the island as a state to increase American slave territory. In the 1890s, while Spain was attempting to suppress a Cuban nationalist rebellion, the United States intervened on the premise of correcting Spanish human rights abuses. In truth, American neo-imperialism fueled American interests as it sought to create a European-style empire of its own. The United States also bristled when a Spanish scorched earth tactic against nationalist guerrillas burned out several American interests. The United States began the Spanish-American War in April 1898, and by the middle of July had defeated Spain. Cuban nationalists believed they had achieved independence, but the United States had other ideas. Not until 1902 did the United States grant Cuban independence, and then only after Cuba had agreed to the Platt Amendment, which roped Cuba into Americas sphere of economic influence. The amendment stipulated that Cuba could not transfer land to any foreign power except the United States; that it could not acquire any foreign debt without U.S. approval; and it would allow American intervention in Cuban affairs whenever the U.S. thought it necessary. To speed their own independence, Cubans added the amendment to their constitution. Cuba operated under the Platt Amendment until 1934 when the United States rescinded it under the Treaty of Relations. The treaty was part of Franklin D. Roosevelts Good Neighbor Policy, which attempted to foster better American relations with Latin American countries and keep them out of the influence of rising Fascist states. The treaty retained American rental of Guantanamo Bay naval base. Castros Communist Revolution In 1959 Fidel Castro and Che Guevara led the Cuban communist revolution to overthrow President Fulgencio Batistas regime. Castros ascent to power froze relations with the United States. The United States policy toward Communism was containment and it quickly severed ties with Cuba and embargoed trade the island. Cold War Tension In 1961 the American Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) orchestrated a failed attempt by Cuban emigres to invade Cuba and topple Castro. That mission ended in a debacle at the Bay of Pigs. Castro increasingly sought aid from the Soviet Union. In October 1962, Soviets began shipping nuclear-capable missiles to Cuba. American U-2 spy planes caught the shipments on film, touching off the Cuban Missile Crisis. For 13 days that month, President John F. Kennedy warned Soviet first secretary Nikita Khrushchev to remove the missiles or face consequences - which most of the world interpreted as nuclear war. Khrushchev backed down. While the Soviet Union continued to back Castro, Cuban relations with the United States remained cold but not warlike. Cuban Refugees and the Cuban Five In 1979, faced with an economic downturn and civilian unrest, Castro told Cubans they could leave if they did not like conditions at home. Between April and October 1980, some 200,000 Cubans arrived in the United States. Under the Cuban Adjustment Act of 1966 the United States could allow arrival of such immigrants and avoid their repatriation to Cuba. After Cuba lost most of its Soviet-block trading partners with the collapse of Communism between 1989 and 1991, it suffered another economic downturn. Cuban immigration to the United States climbed again in 1994 and 1995. In 1996 the United States arrested five Cuban men on charges of espionage and conspiracy to commit murder. The U.S. alleged they had entered Florida and infiltrated Cuban-American human rights groups. The U.S. also charged that information the so-called Cuban Five sent back to Cuba helped Castros air force destroy two Brothers-to-the-Rescue planes returning from a covert mission to Cuba, killing four passengers. U.S. courts convicted and jailed the Cuban Five in 1998. Castros Illness and Overtures at Normalization In 2008, after a prolonged illness, Castro ceded the presidency of Cuba to his brother, Raul Castro. While some outside observers believed that would signal the collapse of Cuban Communism, it did not happen. However, in 2009 after Barack Obama became president of the U.S., Raul Castro made overtures to talk to the United States about foreign policy normalization. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said that the 50-year American foreign policy toward Cuba had failed, and that Obamas administration was committed to finding ways to normalize Cuban-American relations. Obama has eased American travel to the island. Still, another issue stands in the way of normalized relations. In 2008 Cuba arrested USAID worker Alan Gross, charging him with distributing U.S. government-purchased computers with the intent of establishing a spy network inside Cuba. While Gross, 59 at the time of his arrest, claimed no knowledge of the computers sponsorship, Cuba tried and convicted him in March 2011. A Cuban court sentenced him to 15 years in prison. Former United States President Jimmy Carter, traveling on behalf of his Carter Center for human rights, visited Cuba in March and April 2011. Carter visited with the Castro brothers, and with Gross. While he said that he believed the Cuban 5 had been jailed long enough (a position that angered many human rights advocates), and that he hoped Cuba would quickly release Gross, he stopped short of suggesting any type of prisoner exchange. The Gross case seemed capable of halting any further normalization of relations between the two countries until its resolution.

Advertising psychology Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2250 words

Advertising psychology - Essay Example In fact, medium through which ideas are expressed is not relevant, what matters is the nature of messages communicated to customers by these companies. Self-determination of this company is manifested through their effort and culture expressed in each of their offices. This company altered its brand from Wieden & Kennedy, Inc in May 2003, which was established during its founding in 1982, in Portland, Oregon (Businessweek, 2013, 1). Nevertheless, this agency has managed to offer their marketing services through offices located in countries such as Netherlands, Britain, America, Japan, China, Brazil and India. This agency has been managed by different managing directors since its founding; for instance, Luhr was one of the managing directors who headed this agency since in 1992 after working for a period of six years and later he became a partner (Businessweek, 2013, 1). On the other hand, Wieden+Kennedy has been involved in promotions of big companies such as Nike.Therefore, this pap er analyses â€Å"Jordan BE Lifestyle Campaign† in order to discuss the topic of advertising psychology. Jordan BE Lifestyle Campaign was aimed at creating a genuine reason for Jordan Lifestyle Apparel Collection, whereby it is focused on establishing a contemporary and culturally relevant gyrate on the legacy and life of Michael Jordan (Effie Awards, 2007, 2).... yle attire category; in fact, this campaign focuses on generation of additional media impression and talk value among the principal consumers in the fashion industry (Effie Awards, 2007, 2). The campaign was also focused on generating thirty percent sale of Jordan Brand Collection attire through a credible establishment of a brand as lifestyle alternatives for customers. 2. Psychological Theory Various distinctive theories of advertising have been discerned by numerous scholars since 1900s (Loken, 2006, 454). In fact, researchers had a conviction that understanding of psychological theories in marketing would derive a significant way of conducting a systematic analysis of trade instead of relying on chances or instinct. Especially, in the America, advertising has become a serious industry; for instance, in 2007, there was one hundred and forty nine billion spent on advertisements by different companies (Effie Awards, 2007, 1). Nevertheless, study in the field of advertising theories commenced in 1903, whereby a research was conducted in psychological laboratory of Northwestern University (Loken, 2006, 460). Nevertheless, some of psychological approaches that could be applied in advertising are indentified and they have increasingly developed significantly (Lau-Gesk, 2003, 301). Therefore, this section will seek to analyze some of the psychological theories applied in â€Å"Jordan BE Lifestyle Campaign† by Wieden+Kennedy, Inc. In fact, these theories are focused on applying elements such as strategic communication and psychological alternation in potential of various customers (Cox & Cox, 2001, 103). 3. Cognitive psychology theories Cognitive psychology theories applicable to this advertisement focused on the form of self-referencing that could be utilized by the

Illegal Immigration in the US Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Illegal Immigration in the US - Essay Example For example, editorial of the Los Angeles Times hits the Republican presidential hopefuls’ illegal immigration solutions as simply nothing but rhetorical promises that do not resolve the problem but aim only to win Latino votes; whereas, editorial of the New York Times challenges Obama’s leadership in bringing about his promise to reform the immigration law and to protect the civil rights of immigrants, citing his presidential powers enough to legally question the deeply unjust Arizona law against illegal immigration. The main concern of both editorials is to see that the country’s problem of illegal immigration be resolved; both are also doubtful on the sincerity of both Republicans and Democrats to solve the problem, accusing both political parties of simply using the issue for political expediency – to win immigrant votes for the coming presidential elections. Although both news companies criticize and challenge both the Republican and Democratic partie s’ stance on illegal immigration, they however differ on their specific concern from which their bias on the issue is observable. For example, the LA Times did not bother to comment on the Republicans’ call tougher and stricter immigration law enforcement despite contending public opinion on the extremism of the Arizona Law – This law essentially criminalizes illegal immigration and makes all immigrants feel unsafe (Baker A12; Editorial, New York Times, A24). Instead, the LA Times showed more concern on the practicality of the solutions the Republican presidential hopefuls offer, citing existing immigration policies and practices that render their proposals useless – e.g. Former Massachusetts Gov. Mitt Romney’s proposal to impose a national identification card combined with an electronic database for employers to verify their workers’ immigration status is criticized to simply force illegal immigrants to underground economy rather than self- deport; Newt Gingrich’s proposal to create a guest worker program is criticized for its failure to consider the 10-year ban against illegal immigrants; while Rick Santorum’s call for illegal immigrants to go back in line to immigrate legally is criticized to see that there is no such line for poor immigrants (Editorial, Los Angeles Times, par. 3-6). While the LA Times seemingly agrees with the Republicans for tougher and stricter border enforcement, it criticizes them for not heading-on the issue, cautioning them that such posturing will not win them the Latino votes. On the contrary, the NY Times concern centers more on challenging Obama – a democrat – to fulfill his promise to protect the rights and dignity of migrants, that he so strongly defends in his speech citing the cruelty of the Arizona Law, as he urges the US congress to reform the immigration law. The NY Times challenges Obama as he is confronted with Republican senators who have rejected bipa rtisanship and have dissented any practical and reasonable immigration reform (Editorial, New York Times, A24), and as Obama is similarly suspected of using the issue of illegal immigration for the coming presidential elections. Meaning Obama’s call for a bipartisan reform of the immigration law is meant to win Hispanic and middle-class votes and to put the blame on Republicans for the failure of